INTRODUÇÃO Segundo Pond (1975), os antepassados mais remotos dos suínos remontam há 40 milhões de anos, e parece que seu parente mais distante é o porco-do-cabo (Orycteropus afer), que viveu na região da Etiópia. Este é da ordem dos tubulidentados com focinho e orelhas alongadas, de hábitos noturnos e que se alimenta de insetos e raízes. Embora não exista um consenso unânime ao respeito, estima-se que a domesticação do porco doméstico atual iniciou-se na Europa entre os anos 7.000 e 3.000 (...) a. C., embora investigadores chineses reivindiquem a origem chinesa do porco doméstico atual que havia iniciado na região sul do país entre o ano 10.000 a. C. Aceita-se que a domesticação tenha se realizado de maneira lenta e progressiva e que os primeiros porcos eram pequenos e estavam em rebanhos pouco numerosos. Os porcos atuais pertencem ao gênero Sus e compreendem os porcos asiáticos (Sus vittatus) de tamanho pequeno; os célticos (Sus scrofa) provenientes do javali europeu e os porcos ibéricos (Sus mediterraneaus) de origem africana, de tamanho maior que os anteriores e introduzidos em todas as regiões do sul da Europa. A capacidade de adaptação do porco às diferentes condições climáticas determinou que sua exploração se realize em todos os continentes e em quase todos os países do mundo, com exceção daqueles onde, por razões de ordem cultural e religiosa, a sua exploração é vedada. O seu caráter cosmopolita está relacionado a sua grande capacidade de adaptação aos variados regimes alimentares, já que sua qualidade de onívoro lhes permite transformar diferentes produtos e subprodutos, alimentando-se tanto de recursos vegetais quanto de animais. Pode ser explorado de forma tradicional com recursos limitados ou de forma intensiva, combinando as mais sofisticadas técnicas de manejo relacionado à alimentação, sanidade, reprodução, transformação e comercialização. POPULAÇÃO MUNDIAL DE SUÍNOS DE RAÇAS LOCAIS Não existem estatísticas diferenciadas para a população mundial de suínos de raças locais. A Organização das Nações Unidas para a Agricultura e Alimentação (FAO), estima que a população mundial de suínos em 2018 foi de 781,3 milhões de cabeças, que compreendem 460 milhões de cabeças na Ásia, 155 milhões na União Europeia, 75 milhões na América do Norte, 70 milhões na América Central e do Sul e 21 milhões de cabeças na África e Oceania. Observe o anexo e o gráfico: Figura 1: População mundial de suínos de produção industrial em 2018. Fonte: FAO, 2019. -/- G 1: Efetivo suíno mundial em 2018. FAO, 2019. G 2: 11 maiores países criadores de suínos em 2018. FAO, 2019. A elevada população de suínos no continente asiático é um indicador da importância que estes animais têm na alimentação dos habitantes dessa região. Na China, que possui o maior efetivo suíno do mundo, 440 milhões (FAO, 2019), os porcos estão geralmente incorporados sob sistemas integrados com a agricultura. O mesmo ocorre no Vietnã, onde a maior parte dos milhões de cabeças também estão em sistemas tradicionais de produção. Sobressaem, em importância, as raças Mong Cai, Thouc Nhieu e Ba Xuyen ambas com milhares e até milhões de exemplares cada uma. Na Indonésia, dados desatualizados obtidos por Aritonang et. al. 1993, a população de suínos chegou a 8,6 milhões de cabeças, e que esses porcos locais representavam mais de 95% da população de distritos como Deli Serdang, North Tapanuli e Nias em Sumatra. As raças asiáticas, com as suas múltiplas características, foram objeto, nos respectivos países, de programas especiais para melhorar a sua produção. Outros países, principalmente a França e os Estados Unidos da América, iniciaram estudos sobre as raças asiáticas com o propósito de aproveitar alguns fatores genéticos próprios destas, como a alta fertilidade. Na Europa, países como Portugal e Espanha, tentaram conservar alguns genótipos de raças locais. Segundo dados do Anuário Estatístico do Ministério da Agricultura (1985), citado por Paz Saez e Hernández Crespo (Sf.), a Espanha tinha em 1996 uma população suína local estimada em 1,5 milhões de cabeças das raças ibérica, celta, morcego e suas cruzes. As referências relativas à presença de suínos locais são escassas na África. Sarniguet, citado por D’Orgeval Dubouchet (1997), dava conta que em 1985 existiam apenas 564 porcos exóticos, o que põe em evidência a importância do rebanho local. No Burkina Faso (Kabore, 1996), a exploração de suínos ocupa o quarto lugar entre as explorações animais e, em 1994, contava com uma população de 552,3 mil cabeças, sendo ao dizer da autora, «a raça local de maior presença». Tal como noutros países, a informação é genérica e a maioria dos autores sustenta que os suínos locais apresentam uma grande variedade e que se distinguem em três tipos: pequenos, grandes e pesados. Os genótipos são de grande rusticidade e de baixa produtividade, mas de boa adaptação às mais variadas formas de manejo e sistemas de alimentação. A América Latina, conta com uma população significativa de porcos locais, provenientes dos porcos introduzidos por Colombo, em sua segunda viagem ao Novo Continente em 1493, e de outros que foram introduzidos posteriormente à medida que se generalizou a conquista do continente. Infelizmente, não existem dados precisos sobre a população de suínos locais em cada um dos países e os dados oficiais generalizam, quando sustentam que estas populações são «maioritárias». Na Colômbia, um trabalho realizado por C. Espinosa (comunicação pessoal em 1997) indica que o porco local, conhecido como crioulo ou "zungo" provém dos porcos ibéricos conhecidos como lisos ou pelados e que estes localizaram-se inicialmente no departamento de Córdoba e depois no resto do país. Demonstra que os suínos locais estão a desaparecer rapidamente em consequência da introdução de "raças modernas". No entanto, não se quantifica o seu número e sustenta-se que, até há algumas décadas, constituíam a maioria dos animais explorados pelos camponeses das regiões afastadas. Na Bolívia, Amurrio (1996) indica que, segundo o Instituto Nacional de Estatísticas, a população suína total era de 2,2 milhões de cabeças, que forneceram 25% da carne consumida. Embora não precise da população local, considera-se que este genótipo «é menor do que no passado» e que os animais que se encontram com maior frequência provém de cruzamentos com raças importadas. No Equador, os trabalhos realizados por Alvarado e Gómez (1982) e por Molina (1988-1995), põem em evidência que os rebanhos locais estão compostos em 50% dos casos por 1-4 mães e que contribuem com 25% da produção nacional de carne e com 30% da gordura. Iaso indica a sua importância na alimentação. Em um trabalho realizado por Benítez (1995), descobriu-se que no país existiam 2,1 milhões de suínos explorados no sistema tradicional, e que desta população tão somente de 3 a 5%, segundo a região, eram animais provenientes das raças ibéricas. Na zona central e no sul do país encontram-se genótipos provenientes dos suínos ibéricos conhecidos como «runas», «jungas» ou «crioulos». A população de suínos tende a aumentar em quase todos os países da América Latina como resultado dos cruzamentos entre as populações de raças ibéricas e as raças modernas. No Equador, há uma população de porcos de 2,7 milhões de cabeças (FAO, 2000). O Banco Central do Equador, no Boletim Anuário 19 (1997), assinala que em 1996 existiam 2,7 milhões de suínos e que produziram 36 mil toneladas de carne. Quanto ao Brasil, a deficiência de dados acerca do plantel de suínos locais é resultado das grandes críticas relativas aos sistemas de produção tradicionais e integrados. No entanto, dados obtidos pela FAO revelam que o efetivo total de suínos em 2018 foi de 38,8 milhões de cabeças, fazendo do país o quarto maior criador e produtor de suínos do mundo, gerando movimentação de toda cadeia produtiva de R$ 150 bilhões de reais, um produto bruto de R$ 62 bilhões de reais e 1,1 milhões de empregos diretos e indiretos (ABCS, 2016). É indiscutível que, pelas suas características zootécnicas e por terem sido explorados de maneira tradicional, sem investimentos maiores de tempo, recursos e tecnologia, os suínos locais não foram objeto de muitos estudos que permitam conhecer o seu verdadeiro potencial genético e a sua capacidade produtiva. -/- IMPORTÂNCIA DOS SISTEMAS DE PRODUÇÃO INTEGRADOS Desde os primórdios da civilização, o homem tem tentado obter alimentos suficientes. Infelizmente, em muitos países, por variadas razões, ainda há muita gente mal alimentada e que sofre com a fome. No início do século XXI, a subordinação afetou 800 milhões de habitantes e mais de 100 milhões têm uma alimentação desequilibrada (FAO, 1995). Enquanto, nos países industrializados, os excedentes produtivos tornam-se elementos desestabilizadores da economia e dão lugar à especulação. Geralmente, os animais, principalmente os monogástricos, são considerados como concorrentes do homem por recursos alimentares. Esquece-se que são também importantes transformadores de produtos e subprodutos não comestíveis diretamente pelos seres humanos e que uma adequada e racional exploração deles pode realizar-se a complementação das necessidades alimentares das populações. Os sistemas produtivos compreendem uma série de elementos que interagem com a finalidade de aumentar a produção. Os sistemas pecuários integram um território, as forragens e outros alimentos, as práticas, os rebanhos, as instalações, os recursos financeiros e a comercialização. Diversas espécies animais que coexistem na mesma exploração constituem subsistemas (Gibon, 1981). Os sistemas integrados de produção permitem a participação de diferentes espécies domésticas, incluindo os suínos. Sua capacidade de transformação digestiva assegura a eliminação, segundo Ensminger (1976), de até 36 toneladas de excrementos para cada 1.000 kg de peso vivo por ano, isto é, 3.600 kg anuais de excremento por animal de 100 kg. Por exemplo, um animal de 45 kg, peso aproximado dos porcos locais, elimina diariamente 3,5 kg entre fezes e urina, conforme Jensen (1974). Estes resíduos são de grande utilidade para manter a fertilidade dos solos, bem como para servir de alimento a espécies com grande poder de transformação como os peixes (Little e Edwars, 2001) e palmípedes, além de servir para o mercado de produção de gás através dos biodigestores. Nos sistemas tradicionais, a sua utilização adequada permitiu a exploração de sistemas integrados com várias espécies de peixes como a tilápia (Tilapia spp.), carpas (Cyprinus spp.) e peixes-gato (Clarias spp.). Segundo Holmess (1991), entre cinquenta e sessenta suínos produzem suficientes efluentes para satisfazer as necessidades alimentares de 20 mil a 50 mil peixes por hectare, com uma produção anual de 3,5 a 5,0 ton./ha/ano de peixes. Em algumas explorações, em particular nos países asiáticos, os suínos desempenham um papel importante nos sistemas integrados. Além de transformar produtos e subprodutos agrícolas e agroindustriais, suas excreções recicladas para a agricultura são utilizadas para gerar biogás em biodigestores (FAO). A energia produzida por este meio, satisfaz as necessidades das famílias tanto para a preparação de alimentos, usos artesanais e até mesmo aquecimento de moradias. Holnees (1991), sustenta que sete porcos são suficientes para produzir o biogás necessário como combustível para uma família de cinco membros. A necessidade de aprofundar-se em estudos relacionados com a integração de sistemas, é mais evidente se tiver em conta que os sistemas intensivos requerem um elevado investimento econômico e tecnológico, e que muitas vezes originam uma grande contaminação. Chirgwin et. al. (1997) expressam que no balanço de «eficiência» esses fatores se mostram pouco rentáveis, se considerar a «energia consumida em insumos e serviços requerida para gerar o produto». As experiências acumuladas nos países asiáticos (FAO), e em alguns outros países da África e da América Latina, mostram que os sistemas integrados de produção estão mais próximos de cumprir com os postulados universais de produzir para garantir um adequado nível nutricional da população, através da utilização de tecnologias que não alteram nem deterioram o ambiente. Não há dúvida de que ainda são necessários grandes esforços como o empreendido pela FAO, que permita a combinação de tecnologias, de programas sanitários, de produção e de marketing. A abordagem holística deve constituir a base de futuros programas para uma adequada utilização da energia para converter o porco, e outros animais, em transformadores de produtos e subprodutos com rendimento para a população humana. CONCENTRADORES DE NUTRIENTES A conformação gástrica do porco, em particular a estrutura anatômica do seu intestino e a sua qualidade de onívoro, permite-lhe consumir todos os tipos de alimentos. Dotado de um estômago com uma capacidade de armazenamento de 6 kg (para um porco de 100 kg), dispõe de um intestino delgado que pode atingir até 14 vezes o comprimento do corpo do animal e de um fígado volumoso que permite um adequado metabolismo, garantindo uma grande capacidade de transformação dos alimentos e de assimilação. Proporcionalmente, tem um intestino equivalente ao dobro do de um homem adulto (Serres, 1973). No porco, a baixa transformação do azoto inorgânico é compensada pela disponibilidade de uma variada e rica microflora intestinal, localizada ao longo do intestino, o que lhe permite uma excelente utilização de amidos e de gorduras, provenientes de cereais e leguminosas. Os porcos nos sistemas tradicionais, na maioria das vezes, recebem uma alimentação desequilibrada. No entanto, a sua rusticidade e o seu instinto de sobrevivência permitem-lhes encontrar uma dieta que assegure, além de sua mantença, a sua reprodução e produção, fornecendo energia e proteínas à dieta humana. Esta grande capacidade transformadora de alimentos é o que permitiu ao porco, de maneira ancestral e às novas raças, a integração nos sistemas industriais com grandes benefícios econômicos, como consequência da melhoria das taxas de conversão alimentar. SUÍNOS LOCAIS E A ECONOMIA RURAL A economia dos camponeses, em particular dos países em desenvolvimento, é majoritariamente rural, com disponibilidade de pequenas parcelas e onde os cultivos e as espécies animais exploradas são adaptadas às mais variadas condições climáticas. Nestas unidades de produção, a tecnologia utilizada é ancestral, os ciclos produtivos são regidos pelo costume, os calendários astrais de suas respectivas culturas e condicionados às condições climáticas. A tecnologia utilizada não foi inovada senão de uma forma muito parcial. Não são efetuados investimentos em fatores de produção externos e, muitas vezes, grande parte das colheitas perdem-se durante o armazenamento. Em muitos casos, apesar da grande variedade de culturas por parcela (CATER, 1982), a produtividade é baixa e apenas satisfaz as necessidades familiares com escassos remanescentes para ao câmbio ou «troca» e com uma quase nula disponibilidade de excedentes para a comercialização (Benitez et. al., 1987). A pecuária, nestas unidades de produção, caracteriza-se pela diversidade de espécies, entre as quais predominam os animais menores: porcos, cabras, galinhas, patos, e espécies autóctones, como os cuyes e camelídeos nos países andinos (Benitez, 1987), roedores como a capivara (Hydrochoerus hydrochaeris) nos países amazônicos e pequenos ruminantes e roedores nos países africanos (Malaisse In. CIUF, 1987). Neste contexto, os suínos, alimentados com produtos e subprodutos provenientes da propriedade, com desperdícios de cozinha e de restaurantes, com resíduos de plantações industriais, de fábricas e mesmo das lixeiras das pequenas e grandes cidades, constituem-se na esperança econômica das populações de baixos rendimentos que assentam sua economia na possibilidade de economizar por este mecanismo (Benitez, 1995). Com o propósito de dispor de recursos para satisfazer urgentes necessidades derivadas de suas atividades religiosas, sociais e culturais, os moradores contam com pequenos rebanhos de animais de 1 a 4 matrizes (Alvarado e Gómez, 1982; Benitez, 1995), ou pequenos rebanhos de 2,5 animais em média (Proaño e Chávez, 1998), que são alimentados com os recursos alimentares locais. Quando os excedentes são suficientes, os pequenos produtores mantêm um ou mais animais para engorda, mas a grande maioria das crias é destinada à venda. Os suínos destinados a criação ou engorda são uma fonte de poupança para a família. As fêmeas em gestação, como os animais de acabamento, quando alimentados com milho ou com produtos regionais: banana, tubérculos, cana e outros produtos geralmente pobres em proteínas, tentam satisfazer as suas necessidades nutricionais escavando a terra em busca de raízes, insetos e pequenos animais ricos em proteínas. Os animais entram em engorda quando deixam de ser utilizados como reprodutores e os machos são, geralmente castrados. O ciclo de engorda ou de acabamento pode durar entre dois e quatro meses, dependendo da disponibilidade de alimentos, depois são destinados à venda em feiras ou na unidade de produção até onde chegam os intermediários e compradores. A vida média destes animais ultrapassa largamente um ano de idade e pode chegar aos sete e nove anos, como no caso dos reprodutores que são engordados quando terminam o seu ciclo reprodutivo. Em todo o caso, a poupança, a disponibilidade de gordura e de proteínas são a contribuição substancial para uma família de escassos recursos. ZOONOSES E ANTROPOZOONOSES Embora uma grande variedade de doenças parasitárias, bacterianas, virais, micóticas e até nutricionais possam afetar os porcos, sua curta vida produtiva faz com que estas tenham uma mínima expressão nos ciclos produtivos, principalmente quando são prestados os cuidados necessários. Está provado que os suínos, e outros animais explorados extensivamente, não são atacados por doenças infectocontagiosas como acontece nas explorações intensivas com densidades elevadas. No entanto, estas doenças podem existir, como foi o caso dos suínos ibéricos que sofreram da Peste Suína Africana com graves perdas nos rebanhos e na economia dos produtores. Somente um trabalho organizado e grandes investimentos do Estado permitiram sua erradicação e declarar a Espanha livre dela em 1995. No entanto, existem algumas doenças zoonóticas que merecem a atenção dos criadores para evitar o contágio, entre as quais destaco: 1. Enfermidades bacterianas Tuberculose: Tem como agente etiológico no homem o Mycobacterium tuberculosis, entretanto, algumas outras espécies como M. bovis, M. avium, M. intracelular e M. tuberculose, podem atacar o porco. M. bovis é a causa de até 90% da doença em suínos, produzindo lesões hiperplásicas a nível intestinal, inflamação na região orofaríngea e nos gânglios submaxilares. O contágio ocorre geralmente em contato com pessoas ou bovinos doentes, através de alimentos para animais, de resíduos alimentares de leitaria, de cozinha, de hospitais e de outros produtos contaminados. A vacinação nas áreas endêmicas reduziu a incidência desta doença. Brucelose: É uma doença generalizada em todo o mundo, causada pelas bactérias do gênero Brucella, do qual se conhecem seis espécies e múltiplos biotipos, sendo as mais difundidas: B. abortus, B. melitensis e B. suis, na sua ordem. Os suínos são atacados pela B. suis, principalmente, mas as outras espécies de brucelas podem também produzir a doença. Os animais são infectados no coito. Os sintomas são abortos e baixa fertilidade do rebanho. Os casos de artrite e a presença de nodulações, também podem ser indicadores da doença. Um reconhecimento atempado da doença e o destino adequado dos animais doentes pode evitar a presença de portadores e o contágio. 2 Enfermidades virais Febre aftosa: É uma doença que ataca o porco na sua qualidade de animal biungulado, produzida pelos vírus do genoma ARN, gênero Aphtovirus, com sete tipos: A, O, C; SAT1, SAT2, SAT3 e Ásia 1, facilmente modificáveis. Em todo o mundo, existem áreas que se livraram da doença com a vacinação, controles migratórios e abate de animais, principalmente. Entretanto, uma grande superfície do planeta fica sob observação permanente. A presença de vesículas na cavidade bucal, inflamação ou perda dos cascos e dificuldade ao caminhar, põem em evidência a doença. A introdução de animais contaminados e de produtos à base de carne pode acelerar a disseminação da doença, ao passo que a vacinação da maioria dos animais com a estirpe adequada evita as epizootias. 3. Enfermidades parasitárias Cisticercose: É uma parasitose associada às condições higiênicas e à pobreza, encontra-se em todos os países onde o porco é explorado de maneira tradicional. Os animais são infestados pelo consumo de excrementos de seres humanos contendo os embriões hexacantos da Taenia solium. Estes embriões, também conhecidos como óvulos, ao penetrar no intestino passam por via sanguínea aos diferentes músculos onde continuam seu desenvolvimento embrionário para logo se transformarem em cisticercos. A parasitose é assintomática nos porcos, mas podem-se palpar ou observar nodulações, in vivo, na língua do animal e em algumas ocasiões na pálpebra interna, enquanto que a inspeção, post morten, podem ser observados cisticercos na língua, coração, diafragma, masseteres, glúteos, dorsais e músculo psoas, principalmente. As pessoas adquirem a tênia consumindo carne parasitada na qual os cisticercos estão vivos. A teníase é a causa da terrível parasitose humana, conhecida como neurocisticercose, que é estabelecida como resultado do alojamento de cistos no cérebro humano, derme, epiderme e região ocular. Pode causar graves transtornos patológicos no homem e inclusive a morte. O portador de T. solium se converte no transmissor da neurocisticercose já que as proglotis da tênia adulta, que são expulsos em número de 3 a 7 diariamente, contêm entre 40 e 60 mil filhotes, que, por contato ou contágio de alimentos, podem ser transmitidos às pessoas. Em muitos casos, o fecalismo ao ar livre, ou próximo das vertentes de água, pode causar contaminação de porcos coprofágicos e das culturas, principalmente hortaliças ou outras de sistema radicular e caule curto. Triquinose: A triquinose do porco é produzida por um nematódeo conhecido como Trichinella spiralis. As pessoas são infestadas com carne de porco que contém larvas de triquina. As larvas entram no intestino onde amadurecem rapidamente e se reproduzem para depois, por meio dos vasos linfáticos, chegar aos músculos estriados onde se encapsulam. As larvas alojadas nos músculos lisos geralmente morrem. Os suínos são contaminados pelo consumo de resíduos de alimentos à base de carne contendo triquinas. A emaciação e a dor muscular das extremidades posteriores servem para dificultar o diagnóstico. Segundo Acha e Szyfres (1986), um porco de 100 kg parasitado pode infestar 360 pessoas. Estes autores também sustentam que a parasitose tende a desaparecer no mundo, sendo sua incidência, em muitos países europeus, inferior a 0,1%, e que em países como Brasil, Paraguai, Colômbia, Venezuela e Equador não se detectou esta parasitose. No caso equatoriano, os trabalhos realizados por Ayabaca e Vizuete (1997) confirmam a inexistência da doença no país. CONCLUSÃO A criação de suínos é de extrema importância para o mundo agropecuário. Seja nas criações de pequenos produtores, ou mesmo de grandes produtores, os suínos têm papel importante na obtenção de proteína para a alimentação humana, de emprego para milhões de pessoas, de renda, de produtos diversos, de gordura, de biogás etc. O sistema consorciado da criação de suínos com o meio agrícola é uma criação majoritária e presente em todos os países. Os suínos beneficiam o solo com suas excretas; o homem, por meio delas obtém o biogás necessário para produção de energia, de aquecimento etc. Milhões de camponeses criadores de suínos consorciados com outras culturas animais e vegetais, demonstram a eficiência da modalidade para o mundo contemporâneo e que podem, em muitos casos, obter renda necessária para sustento de suas famílias e da comunidade local. Todavia, vale salientar que os suínos tradicionais são resistentes à inúmeros agentes patogênicos, porém além de serem resistentes, a falta de higiene e profilaxia, além da medicina preventiva, podem ser cruciais para a disseminação da doença e morte total do plantel de animais. Os suínos produzem carne, produzem renda, produzem emprego, produzem a comunhão local, os suínos são animais peculiares, transformadores e contemporâneos. Pense, crie, recrie! (shrink)

Paul Silva has recently argued that doxastic justification does not have a basing requirement. An important part of his argument depends on the assumption that doxastic and moral permissibility have a parallel structure. I here reply to Silva's argument by challenging this assumption. I claim that moral permissibility is an agential notion, while doxastic permissibility is not. I then briefly explore the nature of these notions and briefly consider their implications for praise and blame.

This work offers an analysis of all the legal and moral issues surrounding humanitarian intervention: the deaths of innocent persons and the Doctrine of Double Effect Governmental legitimacy - The Doctrine of Effective Political Control; UN Charter and evaluation of the Nicaragua ruling; The Morality of not intervening; US-led invasion of Iraq; Humanitarian intervention authorised by the UN Security Council - Iraq, Somalia, Haiti, Rwanda, and Bosnia among others highlight NATO's intervention in Kosovo; The Nicaragua Decision; and The precedents of (...) Panama, Liberia and Sierra Leone. The book's features include: a new framework based on the doctrine of double effect; basic principles of international ethics; outline of the moral argument for humanitarian intervention; explores the morality and legality of military action to end tyranny or anarchy; arguments in a much more detailed and complete fashion than in previous editions; in-depth examination of philosophy of international law; the relationship between custom and moral theory; new discussion of the question of right authority; and a full analysis of recent interventions in Kosovo and Iraq. book addresses a broad interdisciplinary audience of international lawyers, philosophers, and political scientists. In this new edition, the author responds to critics while updating the discussion in the light of the momentous events that took place at the beginning of the new millennium. (shrink)

In this paper, we argue that there are epistemic norms on evidence-gathering and consider consequences for how to understand epistemic normativity. Though the view that there are such norms seems intuitive, it has found surprisingly little defense. Rather, many philosophers have argued that norms on evidence-gathering can only be practical or moral. On a prominent evidentialist version of this position, epistemic norms only apply to responding to the evidence one already has. Here we challenge the orthodoxy. First, we argue that (...) there is no significant normative difference between responding to evidence you have and gathering more evidence. Second, we argue that our practices of epistemically criticizing agents for their poor evidence-gathering indicate the existence of epistemic norms on evidence-gathering. Finally, we show that our thesis has important implications for recent debates about the relationship between epistemic norms and inquiry. (shrink)

Epistemic agents interact with evidence in different ways. This can cause trouble for mutual understanding and for our ability to rationally engage with others. Indeed, it can compromise democratic practices of deliberation. This paper explains these differences by appeal to a new notion: epistemic styles. Epistemic styles are ways of interacting with evidence that express unified sets of epistemic values, preferences, goals, and interests. The paper introduces the notion of epistemic styles and develops a systematic account of their nature. It (...) then discusses the implications of epistemic styles for central questions in epistemology, in particular, for issues surrounding rational engagement and for the debate between virtue epistemologists and epistemic situationists. (shrink)

Delusions are deeply evidence-resistant. Patients with delusions are unmoved by evidence that is in direct conflict with the delusion, often responding to such evidence by offering obvious, and strange, confabulations. As a consequence, the standard view is that delusions are not evidence-responsive. This claim has been used as a key argumentative wedge in debates on the nature of delusions. Some have taken delusions to be beliefs and argued that this implies that belief is not constitutively evidence-responsive. Others hold fixed the (...) evidenceresponsiveness of belief and take this to show that delusions cannot be beliefs. Against this common assumption, I appeal to a large range of empirical evidence to argue that delusions are evidence-responsive in the sense that subjects have the capacity to respond to evidence on their delusion in rationally permissible ways. The extreme evidence-resistance of delusions is a consequence of powerful masking factors on these capacities, such as strange perceptual experiences, motivational factors, and cognitive biases. This view makes room for holding both that belief is constitutively evidence-responsive and that delusions are beliefs, and it has important implications for the study and treatment of delusions. (shrink)

Beliefs can be resistant to evidence. Nonetheless, the orthodox view in epistemology analyzes beliefs as evidence-responsive attitudes. I address this tension by deploying analytical tools on capacities and masking to show that the cognitive science of evidence-resistance supports rather than undermines the orthodox view. In doing so, I argue for the claim that belief requires the capacity for evidence-responsiveness. More precisely, if a subject believes that p, then they have the capacity to rationally respond to evidence bearing on p. Because (...) capacities for evidence-responsiveness are fallible and may be masked, beliefs can be held in the face of counter-evidence. Indeed, I will argue that our best science of belief supports the claim that evidence-resistant beliefs result from masks on evidence-responsiveness capacities. This account of belief not only allows for resistance to evidence, but provides us with a framework for describing and explaining actual cases of evidence-resistance. (shrink)

This article comprises an up-to-date critical review of the field known as Economic Methodology or Philosophy of Economics (EM/PE). Two edited volumes (Kincaid and Ross 2021; Heilmann and Reiss 2021), a special issue of the Journal of Economic Methodology (2021), and a recent bibliometric analysis of the field (Claveau et al. 2021) constitute the basis of the review. Drawing on these sources, we identify a number of problematic trends in current EM/PE research. We claim that these trends could be interpreted (...) as two kinds of biases, namely a micro-level bias and a mainstream bias. We discuss the respective details of these biases and their normative implications for the discipline. (shrink)

This essay undertakes an examination of the foundational status of logic, rethinking its origins and limitations from an empirical perspective. Drawing upon the original concepts of Conceptual Quarks (CQs)—defined as the fundamental units of knowledge—and the Programmed Conceptual Deconstruction (PCD) algorithm, which I created for this study, I present methodologies to systematically analyze and deconstruct the principles of logic, exposing their empirical roots. Utilizing a custom-built artificial intelligence model, the study proposes that classical logical principles, such as identity and non-contradiction, (...) are emergent phenomena shaped by sensory context rather than immutable absolutes. By integrating philosophical inquiry with technological innovation, this work offers a new perspective on traditional perspectives, including those of Kant and Leibniz, and establishes a novel framework for understanding logic as a contextual and contingent phenomenon. (shrink)

The interventionist account of causal explanation, in the version presented by Jim Woodward, has been recently claimed capable of buttressing the widely felt—though poorly understood—hunch that high-level, relatively abstract explanations, of the sort provided by sciences like biology, psychology and economics, are in some cases explanatorily optimal. It is the aim of this paper to show that this is mistaken. Due to a lack of effective constraints on the causal variables at the heart of the interventionist causal-explanatory scheme, as presently (...) formulated it is either unable to prefer high-level explanations to low, or systematically overshoots, recommending explanations at so high of a level as to be virtually vacuous. (shrink)

The orthodox view in epistemology is that belief is constitutively evidence-responsive. I offer a novel argument for a version of this view, one that appeals to capacities to rationally respond to evidence. I do so by developing the Sellarsian idea that the concept of belief functions to mark the space of reasons in a non-intellectualist and naturalistic direction. The resulting view does justice to the role of belief in social interactions, joint deliberation, and rational persuasion, while including evidence-resistant beliefs and (...) animal beliefs as genuine beliefs. It has a range of further benefits: it helps us account for epistemic normativity, paves the way for better psychological models of belief revision, distinguishes beliefs from imaginings and mere acceptances, and helps us avoid noxious simplistic takes on human irrationality. (shrink)

Delusions are standardly defined as attitudes that are not amenable to change in light of conflicting evidence. But what evidence do people with delusion have for and against it? Do delusions really go against their total evidence? How are the answers affected by different conceptions of evidence? -/- This chapter focuses on how delusions relate to evidence. I consider what delusions-relevant evidence people with delusions have. I give some reasons to think that people typically have evidence for their delusions, and (...) that the evidence they have against them is often overstated. I draw on this discussion to consider whether delusions are evidentially supported and epistemically rational. Finally, I discuss implications for the nature of delusion, responsibility, and treatment and suggest directions for future research. Throughout, the discussion is sensitive to different conceptions of evidence and rationality in epistemology. -/- A central upshot is that what we should say about the epistemic standing of delusions depends substantively on our positions in epistemology, in particular, on the debate between internalists and externalists about evidence. If we want clarity on the epistemic standing of delusions, we need to incorporate more sophisticated tools from epistemology. (shrink)

What are the roles of scientific causal knowledge in relation to the evidential requirements of policy making? In this chapter, I review the existing approaches in philosophy of science to the policy relevance of causal knowledge. I assess the specific concerns and questions on which these philosophical accounts have focused and show how they only offer a partial perspective of the relation between causal knowledge and policy making. Most existing views are top-down approaches: they start from philosophical concerns about causation (...) and evidence, and then make general claims about (potential) policy implications, but leave the notion of “policy” unanalyzed. As an alternative, I put forward some ideas toward a bottom-up approach: one that understands policy making as a dynamic process with several stages, and that starts from concrete policy problems, to then examine how causal notions and methods can contribute in various ways to the specifics of the process of policy making. (shrink)

In this article, I offer a methodological analysis of the empirical research on the causal effects of trade liberalisation, and assess whether such studies can be of any use for guiding policy prescriptions in real-world economies. The analysis focuses on the mainstream economic research that has been used to support arguments in favour of trade liberalisation during the last decades. Even though there are empirical results that could be taken as valid evidence for a causal connection between free trade and (...) economic gains, none of the existing evidence licences trustworthy inferences about the policy effectiveness of trade liberalisation reforms in real-world cases. There are three aspects of the empirical literature that make it highly problematic for making reliable policy inferences: (a) the criteria used to define the notion of ‘free trade’, (b) the background assumptions embedded in the econometric techniques used for estimating causal effects, and (c) the widespread desire among academic economists to attain scientific results in terms of universally valid generalisations. The analysis exposes a worrisome mismatch between, on the one hand, the research aims and outcomes of scientific economics and, on the other, the kind of evidence that would be useful for guiding actual policy deliberations. (shrink)

This book studies the technognomies of memory in scripto as in texts, lists, dictionaries and databases and less the technognomies of memory in vivo (as in remembering). There are of course some relations between these two kinds of memories, being memory-in-scripto a development parallel to the development of written language. We notice that the historical presentation is built upon both forms of memory. We notice that the historical explanation is tied to the concrete experience of persons belonging to a culture. (...) In the history of memory then, it is necessary to distinguish two important aspects, the development of spoken memory and the development of written memory. The essential characteristic of written memory is its muteness. Muteness is also associated to spatiality and to stability. On the other hand, audial presentations are inseparable of the notions of movement and time passing. According to Don Ihde the spheres of the invisible and the silent, limit the spheres of the visual and the audial. These two spheres overlap partially in visual presentations that also are audial presentations; however, their natural being is to be independent from each other. [Ihde, Don. Listening and Voice. Phenomenologies of Sound; State University Press; 2007; p. 50-51.] In our time, which is also the time of the globalization and digitalization of culture, a new philosophical paradigm is going on characterized by the fragmentation of experience. This fragmentation does not allow an overview of the totality of a field of experience, which is only possible to reduce to singular analytical moments. The fragmentation of experience is the result of a new jump of the capability to concretion. Inside this new paradigm, the world becomes multistable. The multistability of the world creates a gap between intention and implementation that distinguishes the “full” history as Natural history from the “broken” history as Cultural history. (shrink)

Commentary on Pablo Hubacher Haerle’s paper “Is OCD Epistemically Irrational?”. I argue for expanding our assessment of rationality in OCD by considering a wider range of epistemic parameters and how they fit together.

This book is a personal answer to the crisis of the left. The author of this text belongs to a generation habituated to live with global explanations. During our youth, the future of the world was the future of democracy and socialism. We belong to a generation of “leftist” that found in Marx and Freud, phenomenology and structuralism the most important answers that made sense of the everyday world. However, the developments of events during the last sixty years showed that (...) our confidence was ungrounded. The depreciation of the theoretical thought accelerated in direct proportion to the development of technologies, and among them the impact of the digital developments was devastating. One of the most notable consequences of the digitalization of culture was the depreciation of the Marxian thought, but also the less recognized depreciation of all kinds of political-economic thought. The collapse of the world created before the Second World War open for the end of the “grand narratives” and the enthronization of Postmodernism. The production of fragmentary explanations took over the historical perspective with an important influence on social and economic thought. After 60 years of postmodern thinking, we believe that the time of Postmodernism is over. Politicians and economists over the world cannot continue to produce results in small packages. The whole picture must be restituted. Of course it must be done incorporating the lessons of the past to avoid to make the same mistakes. Postmodernism has left behind lots of scattered modernist philosophical remnants. It left a chessboard with only few pieces to work with, and in this allegory, only as references. The philosophical schools remains, but the study of them is strictly for an education in the history of ideas. The situation is aggravating since the most important works from the 1960’s and forth, (post-structuralists) deliberately have avoided obvious identity patterns. A word in Rio de la Plata’s jargon language describes this situation, cambalache, a sort of “flea market” where everything lies higgledy-piggledy. Deconstruction and the focus on differences are vital to Postmodernism. Remaining is therefore the intersections, the contrasts, shadows, and sketches. When trying to orient in such an intellectual environment, the task reminds of patching scatterings, and building with tools of eclecticism. However, we believe that is time to reconstruct instead of deconstruct, moving back to Modernism that we will describe as Cyborgism. (shrink)

The 20th Century is the starting point for the most ambitious attempts to extrapolate human life into artificial systems. Norbert Wiener’s Cybernetics, Claude Shannon’s Information Theory, John von Neumann’s Cellular Automata, Universal Constructor to the Turing Test, Artificial Intelligence to Maturana and Varela’s Autopoietic Organization, all shared the goal of understanding in what sense humans resemble a machine. This scientific and technological movement has embraced all disciplines without exceptions, not only mathematics and physics but also biology, sociology, psychology, economics etc. (...) New terms were developed, such as “information”, “organization”, “entropy”, “communication”, “encryption”, “computation” and “algorithmics” to mention a few, all which had an enormous impact on artificial systems. Our work follows this historical track but with a reversed order of priorities. Instead of deducing a reduced group of human acts into an artificial environment, we deduce the human aspects of machines by extrapolating algorithmic methodologies into everyday life acts. The present informational theories were insufficiently powered to achieve this objective without developing a new theoretical approach. Hence, our research is directed towards an expansion of the current informational theories. (shrink)

Desde la conquista española ha existido una dicotomía constante en la identidad peruana, la cual se refleja en el arte y especialmente en la literatura. Es en ella en la que existe un personaje que representa en sus obras de manera magistral los encuentros y desencuentros generados por la interacción constante de esos dos hemisferios culturales presentes en la peruanidad. Es José María Arguedas, quien no solamente retrata dicha realidad, sino que a través del indigenismo logra representar y revalorizar la (...) figura del indio y por consiguiente de lo andino, todo en el marco de la problemática constante que aqueja la búsqueda de lo que consiste ser peruano. Tomando como referencia tres importantes obras de su producción intelectual como son: “Los ríos profundos”, “El Sexto” y “El zorro de arriba y el zorro de abajo”. (shrink)

In this paper, we argue that ‘Weak Modal Rationalism’, which is the view that ideal primary positive conceivability entails primary metaphysical possibility, is self-defeating. To this end, we outline two reductio arguments against ‘Weak Modal Rationalism’. The first reductio shows that, from supposing that ‘Weak Modal Rationalism’ is true, it follows that conceivability both is and is not conclusive evidence for possibility. The second reductio shows that, from supposing that ‘Weak Modal Rationalism’ is true, it follows that it is possible (...) that ‘Weak Modal Rationalism’ is necessarily false, and hence that ‘Weak Modal Rationalism’ is false. We then argue that adopting a weaker position according to which conceivability is merely prima facie evidence for possibility provides limited protection from our criticism of conceivability arguments. (shrink)

Language is the repository of meaning which emerges from human experience. From this ground of experience, presuppositions affecting how a person understands him- or herself, others, and the world around him, arise. For Ricoeur, the function of language must be examined to situate better the human person as having the capacity to say something. All meaning is realized and communicated in language as discourse. Whether written or oral, discourse always offers an opening of a new perspective to anyone who can (...) read, listen, and communicate. For this reason, language is through and through hermeneutical because it is the medium through which sense and meaning are passed on, either through the event of speaking or of the written text. (shrink)

Molyneux’s question, whether the newly sighted might immediately recognize tactilely familiar shapes by sight alone, has produced an array of answers over three centuries of debate and discussion. I propose the first pluralist response: many different answers, both yes and no, are individually sufficient as an answer to the question as a whole. I argue that this is possible if we take the question to be cluster concept of sub-problems. This response opposes traditional answers that isolate specific perceptual features as (...) uniquely applicable to Molyneux’s question and grant viability to only one reply. Answering Molyneux’s question as a cluster concept may also serve as a methodology for resolving other philosophical problems. (shrink)

This book is the result of a collective research effort performed during many years in both Sweden and Spain. It is the result of attempting to develop a new field of research that could we denominate «human act informatics.» The goal has been to use the technologies of information to the study of the human act in general, including embodied acts and disembodied acts. The book presents a theory of the quantification of the informational value of human acts as order, (...) opposing the living order against entropy. We present acting as a set of decisions and choices aimed to create order and to impose Modernity. Karl Popper’s frequency theory of probability is applied to characterize human acts regarding their degree of freedom and to set up a scale of order in human decisions. The traditional theory of economics and social science characterize the human act as rational, utilitarian and ethical. Our results emphasize that the unique significance of an act lies in its capacity to generate order. An adequate methodology is then presented to defend such hypothesis according to which, the rationality respective irrationality of acting, is in fact only a function of the act’s organizational capacity. From this perspective, it has been necessary to define «order» respective «disorder» as operative concepts that allowed the comparison of the organizational differences generated by each kind of act. According to the presented conclusions, the spontaneity of living, as unconscious thinking, dreaming, loving, etc. and the mainstream of the human acts, are utilitarian, but in an irrational way; they are rooted in unconscious drifts and therefore must be considered irrational-utility acts. (shrink)

Some types of solar radiation management (SRM) research are ethically problematic because they expose persons, animals, and ecosystems to significant risks. In our earlier work, we argued for ethical norms for SRM research based on norms for biomedical research. Biomedical researchers may not conduct research on persons without their consent, but universal consent is impractical for SRM research. We argue that instead of requiring universal consent, ethical norms for SRM research require only political legitimacy in decision-making about global SRM trials. (...) Using Allen Buchanan & Robert Keohane's model of global political legitimacy, we examine several existing global institutions as possible analogues for a politically legitimate SRM decision-making body. (shrink)

At the height of the Covid-19 pandemic, frontline medical professionals at intensive care units around the world faced gruesome decisions about how to ration life-saving medical resources. These events provided a unique lens through which to understand how the public reasons about real-world dilemmas involving trade-offs between human lives. In three studies (total N = 2298), we examined people’s moral attitudes toward triage of acute coronavirus patients, and found elevated support for utilitarian triage policies. These utilitarian tendencies did not stem (...) from period change in moral attitudes relative to pre-pandemic levels--but rather, from the heightened realism of triage dilemmas. Participants favored utilitarian resolutions of critical care dilemmas when compared to structurally analogous, non-medical dilemmas—and such support was rooted in prosocial dispositions, including empathy and impartial beneficence. Finally, despite abundant evidence of political polarization surrounding Covid-19, moral views about critical care triage differed modestly, if at all, between liberals and conservatives. Taken together, our findings highlight people’s robust support for utilitarian measures in the face of a global public health threat, and illustrate how hypothetical scenarios in moral psychology (e.g. trolley cases) should strive for more experiential and psychological realism, otherwise their results might not generalize to real-world moral dilemmas. (shrink)

Interest in the nature of religious and mystical experiences (henceforth RMEs) is old. Recently, this interest has shifted toward understanding the relationship between brain function and RMEs. In the first section, I introduce neurocognitive data from three experiments that strongly correlate the report of religious mystical experiences with specific neural activity. Although correlations cannot be considered as “absolute” proof, strong correlations provide us with inductive grounds for justifying the belief or nonbelief of some proposition. These data suggest that the human (...) brain plays a key role in having an RME and will provide support for the claim that our explanations for phenomena should be located in the natural world. In the next section, I explore the meaning of an RME from a Jamesian perspective and discuss the use of RMEs and the apparent design of the world as proof for God’s existence. My point is to show that the whole enterprise of using phenomena “that only God could have brought about” as the proof for God’s existence is inherently question begging and so is no proof that God exists. In the third section, I lay out in detail my assumptions for my main argument in the final section. There, I argue that belief in the supernatural is not justifiable given the data we have from contemporary science and basic rules of reasoning. (shrink)

The Golden Rule is (roughly) as follows: treat others as you would have others treat you. Philosophical reactions to it vary; it has both supporters and detractors. In any case, almost nobody who things critically about morality takes the literal version of the Golden Rule seriously, since there are just too many problems with it. To demonstrate this, I will look at a literal version of the Golden Rule espoused by John C. Maxwell, a well-known and influential motivational speaker, and (...) briefly discuss some of the obvious problems that it faces. I will then examine a more sophisticated version of the Golden Rule espoused by philosopher Harry Gensler. While able to overcome some of the problems of the literal Golden Rule, Gensler's version nevertheless shares a common difficulty with it: in both cases, the moral agent is asked to imagine themselves in the place of another. Maxwell things this is easily done, and Gensler asks for vividness and accuracy in this act of imagination. I wish to show that any version of the Golden Rule that takes seriously the need to imagine oneself in the place of another is to ask one to do the impossible, so any versions of the Golden Rule that require this should be rejected. (shrink)

Se presenta una visión de la epistemología como lógica del pensar y se la lleva a una elaboración de la práctica clínica como una lógica del padecimiento psíquico. Esto basado en los planteamientos de Deleuze y Guattari. Para ello se toma como punto de partida la noción de los movimientos aberrantes que, leyendo la obra de Deleuze, elaboró David Lapoujade entendiéndolos como movimientos que se producen en la relación entre distintos términos heterogéneos, pero manteniendo su heterogeneidad. Esto es vinculado con (...) la invitación que hace el mismo Lapoujade a entender la obra deleuzeana como el desarrollo de lógicas irracionales, intentando pensar desde ahí una lógica de la locura y del padecimiento mental con base en, a su vez, una lógica de las obras literarias de Proust y Kafka, tal como las leen los mismos Deleuze y Guattari. En relación con ello destacamos, por un lado, cierta lógica de conjuntos abiertos y no totalizables que estos últimos autores encuentran en la obra de Proust y, por otro lado, una lógica de la contigüidad que encuentran en la obra de Kafka. Al mismo tiempo, se establecen puntos en común entre estas dos lecturas a propósito de lo esquizoide como algo que excede a la significación del discurso, así como a la normatividad de la conducta. Asimismo, en distintos puntos del escrito se extraerán las implicaciones que estos modos de pensar tienen para una práctica clínica en relación con modos de existencia subjetivos que se escapan a lo que está establecido en el campo social. De esa manera, ponemos en conjunción una aproximación epistemológica con una política. (shrink)

There are many possible definitions of “technology” and I will discuss some of these in this book. However, in this introduction let me use a definition of Svante Lindqvist who defines technology very intuitively as “those activities, directed towards the satisfaction of human wants, which produce change in the material world.” He says also “the distinction between human “wants” and more limited human “needs” is crucial, for we do not use technology only to satisfy our essential material requirements.” Consequently, from (...) this perspective, a technology that is “broken” could be defined as those activities, directed towards the satisfaction of human wants that are intended to produce changes in the material world that either do not manage to satisfy these wants or do not produce changes in the material world, or both. This is the third edition, updated October 2015. (shrink)

Milgram’s experiments, subjects were induced to inflict what they believed to be electric shocks in obedience to a man in a white coat. This suggests that many of us can be persuaded to torture, and perhaps kill, another person simply on the say-so of an authority figure. But the experiments have been attacked on methodological, moral and methodologico-moral grounds. Patten argues that the subjects probably were not taken in by the charade; Bok argues that lies should not be used in (...) research; and Patten insists that any excuse for Milgram’s conduct can be adapted on behalf of his subjects. (Either he was wrong to conduct the experiments or they do not establish the phenomenon of immoral obedience). We argue a) that the subjects were indeed taken in b) that there are good historical reasons for regarding the experiments as ecologically valid, c) that lies (though usually wrong) were in this case legitimate, d) that there were excuses available to Milgram which were not available to his subjects and e) that even if he was wrong to conduct the experiments this does not mean that he failed to establish immoral obedience. So far from ‘disrespecting’ his subjects, Milgram enhanced their autonomy as rational agents. We concede however that it might (now) be right to prohibit what it was (then) right to do. (shrink)

This article, from the viewpoint of the philosophy of Roberto Esposito, seeks to address the issue of why the birth of modernity in terms of a politics of life always threatens to become a politics of death. I defend the thesis that the experience of death in contemporary politics is the consequence of a paradigm of immunization. The careful analysis of this thesis will show that the biopolitical mechanism formulated by Foucault (with whom I am in agreement), without doubt, explains (...) why the dangers of this form of biopower to be immunized are deeply rooted in our thinking in modernity. (shrink)

Common everyday materials such as textiles, foodstuffs, soil or skin can have complex, mutable and varied appearances. Under typical viewing conditions, most observers can visually recognize materials effortlessly, and determine many of their properties without touching them. Visual material perception raises many fascinating questions for vision researchers, neuroscientists and philosophers, yet has received little attention compared to the perception of color or shape. Here we discuss some of the challenges that material perception raises and argue that further philosophical thought should (...) be directed to how we see materials. (shrink)

Although social scientists have identified diverse behavioral patterns among children from dissimilarly structured families, marketing scholars have progressed little in relating family structure to consumption-related decisions. In particular, the roles played by members of single-mother families—which may include live-in grandparents, mother’s unmarried partner, and step-father with or without step-sibling(s)—may affect children’s influence on consumption-related decisions. For example, to offset a parental authority dynamic introduced by a new stepfather, the work-related constraints imposed on a breadwinning mother, or the imposition of adult-level (...) household responsibilities on children, single-mother families may attend more to their children’s product preferences. -/- Without a profile that includes socio-economic, behavioral, and psychological aspects, efficient and socially responsible marketing to single-mother households is compromised. Relative to dual-parent families, single-mother families tend to have fewer resources and less buying power, children who consume more materialistic and compulsively, and children who more strongly influence decision making for both own-use and family-use products. Timely research would ensure that these and other tendencies now differentiate single-mother from dual-parent families in ways that marketers should address. Hence, our threefold goal is (1) to consolidate and highlight gaps in existing theory applied to studying children’s influence on consumption-related decision making in single-mother families, and (2) to propose a hybrid framework that merges two theories conducive to such research, and (3) to identify promising research propositions for future research. (shrink)

Hume is widely regarded as the grandfather of emotivism and indeed of non-cognitivism in general. For the chief argument for emotivism - the Argument from Motivation - is derived from him. In my opinion Hume was not an emotivist or proto-emotivist but a moral realist in the modern ‘response-dependent’ style. But my interest in this paper is not the historical Hume but the Hume of legend since the legendary Hume is one of the most influential philosophers of the present age. (...) According to Michael Smith ‘the Moral Problem’ – the central issue in meta-ethics - is that the premises of Hume’s argument appear to be true though the non-cognitivist conclusion appears to be false. Since the argument seems to be valid, something has got to give. Smith struggles to solve the problem by holding on to something like the premises of the argument whilst trying to fend off the conclusion. In my view this is a wasted effort. Hume was not arguing for non-cognitivsm in the first place, and the arguments for non-cognitivism that can be extracted from his writings are no good. Either the premises are false or the inferences are invalid. And this is despite the fact that Hume was substantially right about reason and the passions. Thus ‘the Moral Problem’ is not a problem, and the legendary Hume does not deserve his influence. -/- An important theme in this paper is the concept of a DTAD or a dispositions to acquire desires. These play an important role in motivation but unlike desires (with which they are sometimes confused ) they are NOT propositional attitudes. (shrink)

Die bahnbrechenden wissenschaftlichen Ergebnisse der letzten Jahre erzwingen eine neue philosophische Auseinandersetzung mit den Grundkategorien der Biologie und der benachbarten Disziplinen. Insbesondere die Anwendung neuer informationstechnischer Mittel in der biomedizinischen Forschung und die damit verbundene, kontinuierlich zunehmende Datenflut sowie die Notwendigkeit, ihrer Herr zu werden, erfordern ein konsequentes Nachdenken darüber, wie biologische Daten systematisiert und klassifiziert werden können. Dafür wiederum bedarf es robuster Theorien von Grundbegriffen wie Art, Spezies, Teil, Ganzes, Funktion, Prozess, Fragment, Sequenz, Expression, Grenze, Locus, Umwelt, System usw. (...) Solche Begriffe gehören zum impliziten Wissen jedes Biologen. Sie spiegeln einerseits eine Dimension der biologischen Wirklichkeit wider, die auch vor dem Hintergrund der biologischen Evolution unverändert bleibt. Andererseits verlangt deren theoretische Behandlung nach zeitgemäßen Analoga der in der traditionellen aristotelischen Metaphysik entwickelten Methoden. Zugleich können so die explizit formulierten Theorien und Definitionen bereitgestellt werden, die für computergestützte Informationssysteme unabdingbar sind. Das Entwickeln derartiger Theorien und Definitionen ist eine Aufgabe der Philosophie, die in diesem Sinne herausgefordert ist, zwischen Biologie und Informatik zu vermitteln. (shrink)

With the ascent of modern epidemiology in the Twentieth Century came a new standard model of prediction in public health and clinical medicine. In this article, we describe the structure of the model. The standard model uses epidemiological measures-most commonly, risk measures-to predict outcomes (prognosis) and effect sizes (treatment) in a patient population that can then be transformed into probabilities for individual patients. In the first step, a risk measure in a study population is generalized or extrapolated to a target (...) population. In the second step, the risk measure is particularized or transformed to yield probabilistic information relevant to a patient from the target population. Hence, we call the approach the Risk Generalization-Particularization (Risk GP) Model. There are serious problems at both stages, especially with the extent to which the required assumptions will hold and the extent to which we have evidence for the assumptions. Given that there are other models of prediction that use different assumptions, we should not inflexibly commit ourselves to one standard model. Instead, model pluralism should be standard in medical prediction. (shrink)

There has been a long tradition of characterizing man as the animal that is capable of propositional language. However, the remarkable ability of using pictures also only belongs to human beings. Both faculties however depend conceptually on the ability to refer to absent situations by means of sign acts called 'context building'. The paper investigates the combined roles of quasi-pictorial sign acts and proto-assertive sign acts in the situation of initial context building, which, in the context of “concept-genetic” considerations, aims (...) for a philosophical explanation of the anthropological functon of pictures and their relation to imagination. (shrink)

This study determined the relationship between triarchic intelligences and engagement as factors in mathematics achievement of 1148 Grade 10 students in the Division of Davao del Norte, Philippines. It also investigated the relationship among the variables utilizing a descriptive-correlational and causal-comparative research design. Modified survey questionnaires were used for triarchic intelligence and engagement scales which were validated by the panel of experts. Standardized Division Unified Test was used to measure the mathematics achievement. Mean and Pearson product moment coefficient correlation were (...) used to determine the proficiency level and the relationship between the variables while multiple linear regression was also used to derive the value and identify the predictor variable. The findings of the study showed that students did not meet the expectations on mathematics achievement; triarchic intelligences and engagement were at moderate level. Among the six indicators, only behavioral engagement was the predictor of the achievement. This indicates that the mathematics achievement of the students is best anchored on engagement. Thus, the result suggests that the more engaged the students are, the better and higher the achievement in mathematics. (shrink)

*This work has turned into a bigger project, and some of it is published in "Lewis on reference".* Some things, argues Lewis, are just better candidates to be referents than others. Even at the cost of attributing false beliefs, we interpret people as referring to the most interesting kinds in their vicinity. How should this be accounted for? In section 1, I look at Lewis’s interpretationism, and the reference magnetism it builds in (not just for ‘perfectly natural’ properties, but for (...) certain kinds of auxiliary apparatus). In section 2, I draw on (Field, 1975) to argue that what properties are reference magnetic may be an ultimately conventional matter—though in the Lewisian setting, there may be an objectively best conventional choice to make. But Lewis’s own account has implausible commitments, so in section 3 I consider variations and alternatives, all of which have problems. In section 4, I look in more detail at eligibility-based interpretationism that do not appeal to naturalness, arguing that there are credible metasemantic theories of this form. (shrink)

This case study describes the coexistence of Capgras and Fregoli-type delusions in a 51-year-old woman. The patient reported that her children were kidnapped and replaced with doubles. She claims that several customers at her shop are her real children. Neuropsychological assessment revealed severe defects in social cognition and an increased number of perseveration responses in the self-directed signaling task. We propose that the latter finding is a measure of the familiarity phenomenon and may be associated with hypofunction in the left (...) retrosplenial region. SPECT-CT confirmed a pattern of hypoperfusion in the retrosplenial, posterior cingulate, and prefrontal cortex. (shrink)

This book presents Robert S. Hartman’s formal theory of value and critically examines many other twentieth century value theorists in its light, including A.J. Ayer, Kurt Baier, Brand Blanshard, Paul Edwards, Albert Einstein, William K. Frankena, R.M. Hare, Nicolai Hartmann, Martin Heidegger, G.E. Moore, P.H. Nowell-Smith, Jose Ortega y Gasset, Charles Stevenson, Paul W. Taylor, Stephen E. Toulmin, and J.O. Urmson.

Identity labels like “woman”, “Black,” “mother,” and “evangelical” are pervasive in both political and personal life, and in both formal and informal classification and communication. They are also widely thought to undermine agency by essentializing groups, flattening individual distinctiveness, and enforcing discrimination. While we take these worries to be well-founded, we argue that they result from a particular practice of using labels to rigidly label others. We identify an alternative practice of playful self-labelling, and argue that it can function as (...) a tool for combating oppression by expressing and enhancing individual and collective agency. (shrink)

Building Information Modelling (BIM) is a process for managing construction project information in such a way as to provide a basis for enhanced decision-making and for collaboration in a construction supply chain. One impediment to the uptake of BIM is the limited interoperability of different BIM systems. To overcome this problem, a set of Industry Foundation Classes (IFC) has been proposed as a standard for the construction industry. Building on IFC, the ifcOWL ontology was developed in order to facilitate representation (...) of building data in a consistent fashion across the Web by using the Web Ontology Language (OWL). This study presents a critical analysis of the ifcOWL ontology and of the associated interoperability issues. It shows how these issues can be resolved by using Basic Formal Ontology (ISO/IEC 21838-2) as top-level architecture. A set of competency questions is used as the basis for comparison of the original ifcOWL with the enhanced ontology, and the latter is used to align with a second ontology – the ontology for building intelligent environments (DOGONT) – in order to demonstrate the added value derived from BFO by showing how querying the enhanced ifcOWL yields useful additional information. (shrink)